Ebook America's Shadow: An Anatomy of Empire, by William V. Spanos
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America's Shadow: An Anatomy of Empire, by William V. Spanos
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A study of imperialism that stretches from ancient Rome to the post-Cold War World, this provocative work boldly revises our assumptions about the genealogy of the West. Rather than locating its source in classical Greece, William V. Spanos argues, we should look to ancient Rome, which first articulated the ideas that would become fundamental to the West's imperial project. These founding ideas, he claims, have informed the American national identity and its foreign policy from its origins.
The Vietnam War is at the center of this book. In the contradiction between the "free world" logic employed to justify U.S. intervention in Vietnam and the genocidal practices used to realize that logic, Spanos finds the culmination of an imperialistic discourse reaching back to the colonizing rationale of the Roman Empire. Spanos identifies the language of expansion in the "white" metaphors in Western philosophical discourse since the colonization of Greek thought by the Romans. He shows how these metaphors, and their role in metaphysical discourse, have long been complicit in the violence of imperialism.
- Sales Rank: #1172333 in Books
 - Published on: 1999-12-06
 - Original language: English
 - Number of items: 1
 - Dimensions: 9.00" h x .60" w x 5.88" l, .89 pounds
 - Binding: Paperback
 - 312 pages
 
 About the Author 
 William V. Spanos is a Distinguished Professor of English and comparative literature at Binghamton University. A founding editor of the critical journal boundary 2, he is the author of several books, including America's Shadow: An Anatomy of Empire. 
Most helpful customer reviews
3 of 3 people found the following review helpful.
 James Joyce and Imperialism 
 By Ivan Benjamin 
Anyone inclined to doubt the urgency or force of Spanos' critique could usefully be referred to another recent book, Vincent J. Cheng's Joyce, Race  and Empire. In this case the focus of the book, as Joyce's was, is on  English rather than American imperial power, but if it's understood that  from the end of the nineteenth century the two were for the most part  engaged in a common enterprise, the difference is inconsequential. It's the  underlying logic that matters.
"(Joyce's)...writings...were most frequently  attempts to resist and defy the authorized centrality of canons, empires  (especially England), and totalizing structures" (p.3). This is precisely  the project that Spanos has attempted, with an argument derived in large  part from Heidegger. The arguments of Spanos and Cheng should strongly  re-inforce each other, with Spanos helping to provide historical background  , depth and theoretical rigor to Cheng's work on Joyce. Readers and  admirers of Joyce who understand or suspect the heavily obscured political  nature of his project could be well advised to read Spanos to help them  understand the background to his work. Readers of Spanos will also learn a  great deal from the strong, incisive commentary of Cheng.
According to  Cheng the true significance of Joyce's work has been denied and buried in a  manner very similar to that which Spanos relates for Herman Melville. The  two recent books may help to retrieve both from the oblivion to which they  have been consigned.
6 of 6 people found the following review helpful.
 An important critique of American imperialism 
 By BL Deuts 
Books like this have been a long time coming. This one says things that are fundamentally important. Lack of this kind of political and historical  insight during the Vietnam decade was probably one of the main factors that  caused the radical movements and people of that time to lose their way in a  fairly short time, so that the radical high-tide of the late 1960s was  ebbing away by the early- to mid-1970s and never appeared again, except  occasionally. If the Vietnam era served as the crucible from which books  such as this eventually came, then those years are still generating a  compelling and important legacy.
If readers of this book draw only one  general conclusion from it, it probably should be an awareness of how vital  an adequate political-historical perspective is for the successful framing  and prosecution of any radical, revolutionary or 'counter-establishment'  political agenda.
The great virtue of this book is to remind people how  long-established and deeply entrenched in Western societies is a logic of  imperialism and domination with its accompanying rationalisations and  'justifications', and that a new stage or level of that logic has been  achieved recently with the end-of-cold-war 'victory' achieved by the  West.
It's also a bit unfortunate that only one response to this book has  appeared here in more than a year. Potential readers should know that this  book really is worth reading and commenting on.
7 of 8 people found the following review helpful.
 An important analysis of an historical mind-set 
 By Anthony Wedgewood 
To be more specific than in the previous piece, it could be noted that  anyone dedicated to a `counter-hegemonic' project should be aware at the  outset how slippery and slithery the discourse of the American political  `establishment' has been since it was systematically crystallised and  formalised in the latter part of the eighteenth century (most notably with  the Declaration of Independence). This discourse relies almost entirely on  a series of airy generalities such as life, liberty, the pursuit of  happiness, opportunity, freedom, democracy, human rights etc etc.
The  extent to which this kind of discourse and rhetoric dominates both the  public domain and the inner workings of the mind of the American people  themselves is fundamentally important for the maintenance of control by a  `power elite'. Such a generalised, slippery discourse makes it quite  difficult for people to come to grips with the causes, consequences and  nature of specific events and policies.  For example, if the prevailing,  largely automatic popular assumption is that the American political system  is at all times dedicated to `life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness'  etc, it follows automatically that any repressive or authoritarian policies  or legislation can't really be repressive or authoritarian at all; they  become necessary expedients to resist or overcome the influence of the  enemies of life, liberty etc. In effect, the American political class wrote  itself a blank cheque with the expansive, high-minded rhetoric they wrote  into the Declaration of Independence, a cheque which they are still able to  draw against.
The American people got at least two early warnings about  how limited and constrained their rights to liberty and the pursuit of  happiness could be, at least when times were difficult. One was the  Constitution agreed to at Philadelphia in 1787. This caused such popular  discontent that ten amendments had to be added shortly after (the `Bill of  Rights'), to calm things down. Then in 1798 the Alien and Sedition Acts  were passed. 1798 happened to be a fairly radical year (the Irish uprising,  Napoleon in Egypt). Reading the language of the Sedition Act, it is  impossible not to notice how English it sounds. These acts were politically  similar to the English `Orders-in-Council' of 1792, by means of which the  domestic area was made subject to tight discipline for the forthcoming  assault on revolutionary France. The politics of the Alien and Sedition  Acts confirmed the new American nation as essentially English. The War of  Independence therefore can't be thought of as a revolution. What it was was  a means to reverse positions with England; instead of England being  dominant and America subordinate, the colonies enabled themselves to become  the dominant power at a later time. More than a century later as it turned  out - around the time of what Christopher Hitchens called `the hinge year'  of 1898. Around this time it became clear to the English political class  that they would have to resign themselves to playing `second fiddle' to the  rising power of the USA. When that stage was reached, each felt free to  engage in gratuitous, aggressive wars i.e. wars for which there was  absolutely no military necessity (the Spanish-American War and the Boer  War). From then on, World War I probably became inevitable.
This perhaps  helps to flesh out some of the nineteenth century history which is perhaps  not explicitly dealt with in Spanos' book, but which serves as the  background which makes Spanos' outline urgent and compelling; the  background which, as Spanos explains, Herman Melville was trying to  explicate for the American people.
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